23 July 2012

A Real Aristotelian Looks at Corporations


On a couple of occasions (here and here) I considered whether we could use Aristotle’s four-fold notion of causation (material, efficient, formal, and final) to justify legal recognition of the corporate entity and to consider whether interactions with such entities generated moral obligations. And here I noted Charles Reid’s brief foray into corporate personhood in connection with coverture and Citizens United.

Brian M. McCall has recently posted a lengthy article titled “The Corporation as Imperfect Society” (abstract here). McCall uses Aristotle’s political philosophy to examine whether and how a corporation fits into the larger picture of the polis or society. From this point of view corporations are not, as the mainstream of neo-classical economists assert, a “nexus of contracts” but “imperfect communities which are one of several constituent parts of a perfect community, the civil polity.” One need not stay on the Aristotelian train as far as to characterize the civil polity as the perfect community (one “which aims at a complete good and thus incorporates the goods of all lesser communities”) to agree that something created by the state is not merely a private association. If it were only that, shareholders could contract around state law location of corporate governance in the board of directors, and the claims of persons who were not parties to the corporate “contract” or who had not contracted with the corporation (e.g., tort claimants) would not be limited to corporate assets. (For some of my thoughts on the place of involuntary and semi-voluntary creditors in bankruptcy see The Missing Piece of the Puzzle: Perspectives on the Wage Priority in Bankruptcy (abstract here).)

McCall locates in the crucial but legally fictional identity of the corporation as a “person” the nature of the corporate entity as an imperfect society. The corporation is more than an association because it transcends the identity, lives,  and interests of its individual shareholders. It is like the state in that its governing authorities can “legislate” for its shareholder members. The corporation is less than the state, the Aristotelian “perfect” society, however, because the state creates it; it is artificial (an artifice, something created to produce something else). But, according to the same Aristotelian tradition, like any other society, the end or purpose of the corporation must be ordered to the common good of the larger whole. Profit-making is certainly a legitimate purpose for a corporation but profit understood as shareholder wealth maximization standing alone is insufficient to achieve the end of the common good.

The common good is, as McCall acknowledges, a contested notion. I suspect some (many?) (most?) corporate law scholars would deny its existence; for them there is no “common” good but only an aggregation of individual goods. McCall’s response to this problem is to canvass the views of Catholic moral philosophers and canonists. A bit tedious, IMHO. But then to the meat of his contention: “Shareholder wealth maximization is clearly inadequate to capture the overall end of a particular corporation.” Wealth maximization is a private good for shareholders, which is indeed a legitimate good. But it is not sufficient as a common good for the political community of which the corporation is a constituent part. While “earning a living” is a private good for me, it is not the end or good of my work as a law professor. My end is legitimate only if what I do—teach commercial law—contributes to the common good of my commonwealth and nation.

What is McCall’s end for the business corporation? “Efficiently producing economically useful products [or services].” In other words, the customer and not the shareholder is the end of the corporate enterprise.  But what limit does this place on the enterprise? Is a business corporation equally contributing to the common good by satisfying its customers by streaming internet porn as providing them with nutritious food? Although his negative examples are economic rather than social, I suspect McCall would say no:

In reconciling the particular good of the corporation to the common good of the nation, the national authorities need to allow for the pursuit of the corporation's end-its products-but can restrain its activity only to the extent necessary to harmonize with the common good. Since a corporation is created to pursue its own particular end, profitably producing goods and services, it will produce externalities affecting the common good of the larger political community.
The sorts of “externalities affecting the common good” are, in my opinion, equally with corporate ends what make a corporation good. Or not. State limitations on corporate ends and externalities will be minimal in a polity committed to maximal self-expression but nonetheless must be accounted for in any calculus of the common good. Indeed, given the artificial and post-political nature of the corporate entity, one can imagine a polity that places greater limits on corporate ends than those of its natural and pre-political citizens.

What of the corporation’s directors? McCall argues that they legitimately may (indeed should) take the common good as well as shareholder wealth into account when making business decisions. Given the breadth of the business judgment rule, he is no doubt correct as a matter of law.

McCall does a fine job of finding a place for the corporation in Aristotelian (and thus Catholic) political and moral philosophy. Yet those not inclined toward the virtues of teleology in politics or even ethics should appreciate the metaphysical foundation that McCall provides for the corporation. Those who as a matter of faith reject the possibility of metaphysical realism may not be able to fathom McCall’s concerns but those of us who are ethical realists should find him helpful.




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